Netanyahu’s coalition scuttles Oct. 7 inquiry as he desperately clings to his seat
There are moments in the life of a person or an institution that embody everything wrong with their character, their essence. For Israel’s governing coalition under Benjamin Netanyahu, such a moment came today as it rejected, by 53 to 45 votes, the establishment of a commission of inquiry into the tragic events of October 7, 2023. This decision, made nearly 16 months after the deadliest attack on Jews since the Holocaust, is a disgrace that lays bare the coalition’s priorities: avoiding accountability, obfuscating the truth, and political survival at the expense of the mental health of its citizens.
The proposed inquiry commission was not a political stunt. It was a necessary and long-overdue step to investigate the events leading up to and on Oct. 7. How was it that warnings were ignored, intelligence signs missed, and border defenses left exposed? Why did it take over 10 hours for Israeli forces to respond to besieged communities in a country as small as Israel? These are the burning questions haunting the public, and the coalition’s refusal to pursue answers is a betrayal.
Inquiry commissions headed by Supreme Court judges are a well-established mechanism in Israel’s democracy, tasked with investigating matters of national importance. From the 1974 Agranat Commission after the Yom Kippur War to the Kahan Commission (after the Sabra and Shatila Massacre of 1982) the Winograd Commission after the 2006 Second Lebanon War, these inquiries have been vital in uncovering failures and recommending reforms. The Agranat commission, by the way, cleared then-Prime Minister Golda Meir of responsibility for Israel’s being caught off-guard by Egypt and Syria — but she resigned soon after anyway. She was more of a mensch.
Polls show that a vast majority of Israelis support such an inquiry into October 7, recognizing the especially burning need to figure out a failure so inexplicable and calamitous. Yet the government, in defiance of public opinion and democratic norms, has chosen to obstruct the process.
Minister Gila Gamliel argued in the Knesset that any inquiry must await until after the end of the war – despite the current cease-fire and in the face of growing understanding that this logical edifice, with such a government as Netanyahu’s, incentivizes extending the war.
Netanyahu’s other arguments against the commission are as self-serving as they are appalling. He claims that judges are biased against him and therefore unfit to oversee the process. This is a cynical attempt to discredit the judiciary, which has traditionally been among the most trusted institutions in the country and is a globally respected cornerstone of Israeli democracy.
Netanyahu aides argue that instead of the traditional route, any future commission be appointed by the Knesset – a pathway to politicizing everything and avoiding scrutiny. Basically, Netanyahu, the longest-serving prime minister in Israel’s history, seems intent on doing anything to buy yet more time, hoping the collective memory of the disaster will fade.
Meanwhile, the country’s military leadership is bearing the weight of responsibility. This week, IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Herzi Halevi announced his resignation, effective March 6, marking the latest in a wave of high-profile military resignations since Oct. 7. At his speech at Kibbutz Mefalsim, Halevi defended the integrity of the IDF against conspiracy theories and pledged accountability for the failures. “No one hid information, no one knew what was about to happen, and no one helped the enemy,” he stated, rejecting baseless allegations while acknowledging the gravity of the military’s shortcomings.
Halevi’s resignation was quickly followed by that of Southern Command chief Yaron Finkelman. Both top military leaders, like those who resigned before them—including the heads of Military Intelligence, Unit 8200, and Gaza Division—have expressed deep personal anguish over the debacle. Their departures signal not just personal accountability but a broader reckoning within the IDF, an institution battered by war, stretched to its limits, and facing a crisis of trust.
It is worth studying Halevi’s words in his resignation letter: “On the morning of Oct. 7, under my command, the IDF failed in its mission to protect Israel’s citizens. The State of Israel paid a heavy and painful price—in lives lost, in hostages taken, and in those wounded both physically and emotionally. … My responsibility for this terrible failure accompanies me every day, every hour, and will remain with me for the rest of my life.”
Is there a single person who knows Netanyahu who can imagine him uttering such words, in the context of accepting responsibility in a genuine way? I believe the answer is no – there is not one person who can.
Netanyahu and his benighted coalition, stuffed to the gills with fanatics and ex-cons, are focused on consolidating power rather than addressing the systemic failures that allowed Oct. 7 to happen.
Netanyahu’s shameful refusal to embrace accountability sends a dangerous message: that political expediency is everything; that there is no morality; that there are no more norms and standards. It is not, sadly, unique to Israel in this era. But out of all the democratic countries on earth, Israel at this time has the worst case of it (despite at least one case of serious competition).
History’s verdict will be harsh, but that will not help the people who are watching in utter stupefaction right now, living through the nightmare, in some cases still nursing wounds and grieving loved ones. Despite their terrible mistake in voting for this cabal, Israel’s citizens deserve better.
