Outgoing Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan made a name for himself through his successes as Oradea mayor and was recognized by friends and enemies alike.
He started almost 20 years ago, developing the west Romanian city to the point where it became a reference for good management.
Two decades of successful administration helped Bolojan win public and political confidence at a national level.
A certain moment, he left his city and took on roles at a national level first in the Liberal Party, then in the state apparatus (he’s been interim president of Romania, and also president of the Senate).
It should be noted that during the political crisis generated by the humiliating failure of PNL and PSD in the December 2024 presidential elections where they did not manage to get a candidate in the runoff and the subsequent cancellation of the elections, Ilie Bolojan’s image saved his own party, the PSD, and Romania.
In December 2024, a moment of terrible confusion, no politician seemed credible or capable of taking the reins. That’s when Bolojan’s star really began to rise –and amid a crisis of confidence among the great political figures of the day, he took over a PNL that had one foot in the grave, and then became interim president taking over from a politically exhausted Klaus Iohannis.
In the runup to the 2025 presidential rerun, although Bolojan did not run, his name became as famous and he was seen as one of the candidates with a chances of wining Cotroceni.
In order to get the maximum number of votes, Nicușor Dan, needed to promise that he would try to appoint Ilie Bolojan as prime minister if he won; although as he admitted, he personally preferred Cătălin Predoiu.
But the rapid rise of Ilie Bolojan’s star came soon, as it became increasingly apparent that he was willing to take the risk of initiating heavy reforms and as it became just as apparent that the president saw him as a thorn in his side and had little appetite to support him.
And Nicușor Dan adopted this attitude when the task of governing had become infernal, with the disastrous balance in terms of reforms and deficit, left by the Ciucă-Ciolacu governments; and internal sabotage committed by governing partners, PSD-Grindeanu.
Finally, Nicușor Dan should his true colors with his complicity with the PSD in bringing down the Bolojan with the help of AUR votes.
And the second one presidential sabotage we are witnessing now against the PNL, is Nicușor Dan’s nomination of a little-known and unscrupulous liberal. In discussions with other politicians Vestea admitted that is “just a pawn” (to anyone other than the PSD and President Dan?).
Moreover, the perverse way the head of state nominated Adrian Veștea (failing to inform the PNL leadership and at when the PNL leader was in the Republic of Moldova) only increased the tragedy of Ilie Bolojan’s condition (inevitably, albeit involuntarily, also increasing his aura).
The irony in Nicușor Dan’s problem with Ilie Bolojan is that the head of state offered the PNL leader the optimal framework to show what he could do.
Because the constant chess in which he put him during the government, by the vote of no confidence and now his attack on the party, left Bolojan with two diametrically opposed options: to fight back (defending himself, but also by attacking) or to throw in the towel.
And Bolojan chose the first option and so far he’s shown he’s a fighter and has what it takes
History will probably remember that in the rise of Ilie Bolojan, Nicușor Dan was a substantial even a decisive factor.
The more hostile the head of state was to the PNL leader, the more dangerous he became for Dan.
As far as Ilie Bolojan is concerned, Nicușor Dan demonstrated that he simply did not do his homework – he did not study him at allm or at least that he did not study him enough.
Because if he had, he would have realized what kind of personality he is dealing with. And if he had understood that, he would have understood, for example, the fact of putting such a man in impossible situations that can backfire is a very bad idea.
And Nicușor Dan put Bolojan in impossible situations on three strategic files: the government, the no-confidence motion by appointing Adrian Veșteafrom the lower ranks of the Liberals.
In all three situations, Nicușor Dan gave Ilie Bolojan no choice but to let himself be humiliated or to fight.
If Bolojan had shrugged when the PSD (a PSD protected by Nicușor Dan) put obstacles in his path, he would have disqualified himself as prime minister, party leader and a politician with legitimate long-term ambitions.
The same fate would have befallen him if he’d accepted to be cannon fodder for the PSD-AUR motion (with presidential complicity), but also now when his authority in PNL has been undermined by a Nicușor Dan who, on the contrary, when he is reproached for not taking the PSD to task, he replies that it would be unconstitutional to criticize Grindeanu’s party.
In short: in the context of the Dan-Grindeanu partnership against Bolojan, it would have been been political suicide for Bolojan not to fight back. And it would have been political suicide for PNL, a party that was brought back to life by public image capital of its new president, Ilie Bolojan.
Today, those Liberals who are zealously pulling the PSD cart, as well as those Liberals who are still hesitating to follow their legitimate leader at a time with existential stakes for the party, should meditate on the hard lessons Nicușor Dan has learned.
Having Bolojan as an enemy, instead of cultivating him as a friend, becomes the greatest danger. This is already the case for President Dan and there is no reason for the PNL to believe that it won’t happen to them.
Președintele României are o problemă simplă. Una cu două litere
